Populist Protests and the Dynamic Zero-COVID Policy: (Re)emerging Pragmatic Populism in China

Published date01 July 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00208817231202302
AuthorRamnath Reghunadhan
Date01 July 2023
https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817231202302
International Studies
60(3) 296 –312, 2023
© 2023 Jawaharlal Nehru University
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DOI: 10.1177/00208817231202302
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Research Article
Populist Protests and the
Dynamic Zero-COVID
Policy: (Re)emerging
Pragmatic Populism
in China
Ramnath Reghunadhan1
Abstract
Populist protests in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have recently emerged
as a reaction against the Chinese authorities’ stringent measures under its
dynamic zero-COVID policy. Besides the vehement criticism and protests against
the dynamic zero-COVID policy, during some protests, there have been ensuing
calls across the country for President Xi Jinping to step down. The article argues
that this scenario can further deteriorate the overall political legitimacy of the
Communist Party of China on a long-term basis. According to the article, the
protests indicate the re-emergence of populism in the PRC, which incidentally
and historically has parallels to the protests at Tiananmen Square, and the 1919
May Fourth Movement. The article theorizes John Dewey’s concept of ‘pragmatic
populism’ and the aspect of protests during the period, which inherently provides
many ideational and relational facets with the recent protests in China.
Keywords
May Fourth Movement, politics of China, pragmatic populism, zero-COVID
policy
Introduction
In November 2022, a string of protests began across different parts of the People’s
Republic of China (PRC) because of the public outrage against the tightened
1Department of International Studies, Political Science and History, CHRIST (Deemed to be
University), Bengaluru, Karnataka, India
Corresponding author:
Ramnath Reghunadhan, Department of International Studies, Political Science and History, CHRIST
(Deemed to be University), Bengaluru, Karnataka 560029, India.
E-mail: ramnath.reghunadhan@christuniversity.in
Reghunadhan 297
controls, lockdown restrictions and related activities of the Chinese government
under its dynamic zero-COVID policy. Besides the PRC, the COVID-19 pandemic
and the related restrictions have caused populist protests across the world,
including in countries like the United States, Germany, Austria, Brazil and Spain
(Brubaker, 2021; Kissas, 2023; Resende & Reinke de Buitrago, 2022; Thiele,
2022; Wheeler, 2020). In the context of the PRC mainly because of the country’s
unique political and cultural context, wherein though public protests are not
uncommon, the recent size of geographic spread of unrest across multiple
institutions in multiple cities and provinces emerge from a shared frustration with
the dynamic zero-COVID policy (Culver et al., 2022). The measures were
institutionalized to deal with the re-emerging COVID cases in PRC, namely the
SARS-CoV-2 Omicron BF.7 variant (Guardian News, 2022; World Health
Organization (WHO), 2022). It is the sub-variant of the SARS-CoV-2 Omicron
variant, which, though less dangerous, has been spreading in an increased manner
and is a cause of concern for the Chinese authorities.
A significant spur in these protests emerged as a reaction against the stringent
measures put in place by the Chinese authorities (Whiteworth & Li, 2023). A
theoretical model developed by Bayerlein et al. (2021) analyses ‘how a country
becomes populist’, while analysing the ‘strategic interaction between the state
and citizens in the context of a pandemic, fully incorporating the interdependence
of public and private behaviour actions in the context’ (p. 391). According to the
theoretical framework, populist governments ‘enact less far-reaching policy
measures to counter the pandemic’ and ‘lower the effort of citizens to counter’ the
pandemic, causing populist countries to be even more severely affected by the
pandemic (p. 390). These facets are examined in detail within the article, which
entail that the populist protests have been linked to re-emerging populism in
China.
However, in the case of China, populist protests focus on a variety of issues,
including labour laws, pension and social security, reforms in state-owned
enterprises, environmental issues, corruption, forced evictions, unpaid wages,
human rights abuses, environmental degradation, ethnic protests, petitioning for
religious freedom and civil liberties, protests against one-party rule as well as
nationalist protests against foreign countries (Chen, 2000; Chen, 2003; Cho,
2023; Freeman, 2010; Li, 2004; Piao, 2023; Ruan & Wang, 2023; The Economist,
2005; van Rooij, 2010; Yang, 2003). All of these have played a massive role in
gradually (re-)shaping, (re-)orienting and/or (re-)directing the political
environment in China over the period of time. However, a historical comparison
in that regard is evident with the 1919 May Fourth Movement, which began with
similar protests and demonstrations by the students and the intellectual class, and
had significant implications for the directions and policies undertaken by the
Chinese State even in the modern era (Chow et al., 2008; Mitter, 2005; Zuo &
Benford, 1995). It resulted in drastic changes within China’s political, social and,
more importantly, economic spheres and further re-defined the Chinese state’s
attitude and initiatives, even later positioning itself as a world leader (Naughton,
2007). The article examines the populist protests during the 1919 May Fourth
Movement, which was evidently contextualized and construed by John Dewey as

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