Indonesia’s Handling of Terrorists’ Cyber Activities: How Repressive Measures Still Fall Short
Published date | 01 March 2025 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/23477970241298764 |
Author | Ali Abdullah Wibisono,Rachel Kumendong,Iwa Maulana |
Date | 01 March 2025 |
Research Article
Indonesia’s Handling
of Terrorists’ Cyber
Activities: How
Repressive Measures
Still Fall Short
Ali Abdullah Wibisono1, Rachel Kumendong2
and Iwa Maulana3
Abstract
The article examines discrepancies between the Indonesian government’s response
to terrorist cyber activities and the actual activities of terrorists online. By analysing
data from 55 convicted terrorists, the study reveals that while government efforts
focus on censoring extremist content on social media and websites, terrorists
have shifted to using messaging platforms for tactical coordination. This shift
indicates that current censorship and platform removal strategies are ineffective
in preventing terrorists from exploiting cyberspace. The article highlights that
repressive measures, such as criminal prosecution and strict regulation, may
undermine the roles of users, platform managers and tech companies in content
moderation. Additionally, these measures could drive terrorists to smaller,
less monitored platforms, ultimately failing to curb their online activities and
compromising freedom of expression. The findings suggest that a more nuanced
approach is needed to address terrorist use of cyberspace effectively.
Keywords
Terrorism, cyber-security, information technology, internet use, national security,
policy analysis
Introduction
The literature on cyber activities of terrorists has been dominated by a restrictive
focus on establishing a convergence of characteristics of cyberterrorism as attacks
Journal of Asian Security
and International Affairs
12(1) 134–160, 2025
© The Author(s) 2024
Article reuse guidelines:
in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india
DOI: 10.1177/23477970241298764
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1 Department of International Relations and the Graduate School of Strategic and International
Studies, Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
2 Department of International Relations, Universitas Pelita Harapan, Banten, Indonesia
3 Centre for Detention Studies (CDS), Jakarta Central, Special Region Jakarta, Indonesia
Corresponding author:
Ali Abdullah Wibisono, Gedung Nusantara 2, Lantai 2, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universi-
tas Indonesia, Kampus UI, Depok, West Java 16424, Indonesia.
E-mail: aliabdullahwibisono@hotmail.com
Wibisono et al. 135
using digital technologies against network and/or computer(s) which result in
physical damages and/or violence against non-combatants to spread fear and create
a propaganda effect (Stohl, 2006). To qualify as cyberterrorism, a terrorist oper-
ation must utilise digital technology to disrupt communication facilities, create
enough harm to generate fear and carry a political objective, such as intimidating
or coercing a government or its people in furtherance of political or social goals
(Denning, 2000). A slightly expanded yet still restrictive definition of cyberter-
rorism maintains that by targeting critical infrastructures or banking and financial
systems, politically motivated cyberattacks may result in economic losses, chaos
and fear in society (Hua & Bapna, 2012). Recent definitions of cyberterrorism
seem to converge on characterising the phenomenon as an employment of mali-
cious computer technology rather than kinetic force that harm civilians physically
or psychologically to further political, religious, or ideological goals (Gross et al.,
2017, p. 50). In agreement with this, the survey finding of Macdonald et al. (2022)
suggests that 90% of scholars tend to exclude acts of digital preparation for terror-
ist attacks from cyberterrorism, although 30% tend to agree that disinformation
campaigns that lead to conflicts constituted cyberterrorism (Jarvis et al., 2014).
In contrast to restrictive understandings of cyberterrorism, our observation of the
cyber activities of terrorist groups in Indonesia suggests that their cyber activities
have yet to attempt to create disruptions, damages or violent strikes at civilians or
critical infrastructure. Cyber activities of terrorist individuals have so far been con-
ducted for the continuity and survival of their movements (Denning, 2007, p. 125).
Our observation confirms Whyte and Mazanec’s idea that terrorists use the internet
mostly for activities that support operations planning and developing capabilities to
maintain their organisation or cells (Whyte & Mazanec, 2023).
This article is a mapping of both the cyber activities of terrorist organisations
and the Indonesian state’s responses to them. Our main finding is that there is a
mismatch between the composition of platforms used by terrorists in conducting
online communications and the concentration of policies to respond to them:
while cyber activities of terrorist groups largely concentrate on tactical coordina-
tion through online messaging platforms, the Indonesian government’s response
has concentrated on censorship of terrorist propaganda on websites and social
media. The largely repressive character of the government’s response to the pres-
ence of cyber violent extremism fails to encourage platforms to moderate content
and users to report extremist content to platform managers.
As a result, three weakened terrorist organisations, Jemaah Islamiyah (JI),
Jemaah Ansharud Daulah (JAD) and Eastern Indonesia Mujahidin (Mujahidin
Indonesia Timur/MIT group), are still in existence, maintaining propaganda, recruit-
ment and financial transactions, although their capability to conduct violent opera-
tions is very much limited. In any case, they have not let go of violent means and
simply stopped violence for pragmatic purposes. The decline of Islamic State in Iraq
and Syria (ISIS) presence in cyberspace in Southeast Asia has been increasingly
substituted by local groups that exploit their association with ISIS as a source of
legitimacy.
The following article is divided into three parts. First, this article examines the
literature on terrorist cyber activities and the corresponding policy responses,
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